Abstract

Although Africa was one of the first to be discovered by the Europeans, it was, in real terms, the last to be discovered in terms of its natural wealth

 Where the European focus was initially limited to the transfer of slaves from the African continent across the Atlantic Ocean to the New World in the Americas and then began colonial powers in the framework of colonial takeover of Africa attention to the vast undiscovered wealth in the continent and its mineral and agricultural resources

 From the beginning of colonial domination with the Belgians’ control over the free Congo state, the main objective was to exploit the rich wealth of this region.

The African continent in the late 1990s comprised 12.5% of the world’s total population (736 million of the world’s population of 5.8 billion) and its share of world output was only 1.6%. This past gap is not a result of a lack of economic resources but a result of the inability to exploit them

Many African countries rely on the export of one raw material or commodity for foreign exchange. Countries such as Algeria, Angola, Congo Brazzaville, Gabon, Libya and Nigeria, for example, rely on the export of crude oil for about 70-95% of foreign exchange. Botswana relies on the export of diamonds for 80% of foreign exchange and Zambia, which relies on copper exports for 80% Of foreign exchange, and Niger depends on uranium, which generates 96% of foreign exchange, to other examples. Thus, these countries face the problem of diversity and difficult to resolve in light of the privileged status of these countries, which the former colonial powers supported after the independence of these countries.

However, the growth in sub-Saharan Africa during the last year is due to growth in supply and demand and investment in these countries, which have seen a steady rise in demand for African exports, especially by developing economies (eg China, India and Brazil). High commodity and raw material prices, FDI inflows to non-traditional industries, official development assistance (ODA), aid for debt relief, increased productivity, increased return on tourism and a marked increase in service trade revenues.

Africa has 10% of the world’s oil reserves and perhaps more. South Africa alone has 40% of the world’s gold reserves. Africa has more than one-third of all known cobalt reserves, and base metals are abundant in Africa. In recent years, China has received half of its imports of aluminum, copper, iron and oil from Africa, and the continent’s agricultural potential has barely been touched.

One of the most prominent features of Africa is the vast amount of precious resources and minerals buried in the ground of precious oil and minerals and precious stones that have been and still are the saliva of cross-border imperialism. Nigeria’s reserves alone are estimated at 37.2 billion barrels, 2.53% of world production. According to the 2010 census, Nigeria’s daily production is 2.46 million barrels of oil. Nigeria consumes only 279,000 barrels and exports 529,000 barrels to the United States alone, one of the main countries on which America depends. Angola and Congo Brazzaville have the same status of dependence on large oil revenues, which contribute immensely to some of the gains and important points of those countries in the growth of their economies and development for the better. The Great Lakes region (South Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia and Eritrea) is also gaining increasing importance from the major economies such as the United States, China, France and India, due to the enormous mineral wealth in their territory.

China and Africa

The rapid economic growth of the Asian tigers in addition to India, China and Brazil, which benefited from direct investments in natural resources, manufacturing, infrastructure development and services in sub-Saharan Africa, has made a tangible contribution to creating economic growth opportunities for these countries, Europe and the United States with respectable terms to ensure that they retain some important gains; they no longer represent the only demand market for Africa, so there are no longer any restrictions and shackles forcing Africans to submit to the unfair conditions of Western economic agents; China, India, Brazil and Asian tigers have become the new incubator and the auspicious destination for developing Africa.

Some explain the relationship between China and Africa through two opposing visions: a vision of China as the savior and true partner of Africa. The visionaries see it as a partner with no colonial ambitions and share with the same historical background many other developing countries. The People’s Republic of China is an important partner without any preconditions. China understands Africa’s highest priorities and has a good attitude among African countries in respecting the cultures of other countries.

On the other hand, there is another view that China, as former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has stressed, is the new colonial power in Africa, and its presence is a concern for many Western governments.

 Those who believe that China is the biggest obstacle to peace and security in oil-rich areas, as in Darfur. China, in accordance with this vision, also supports authoritarian regimes in Zimbabwe and Gabon, which are known for their poor human rights records.

 Moreover, China is a giant country that wants to acquire resources and energy, exploiting the inefficiency and corruption of governments in a commercially opportunistic direction and a real contaminant of the environment in Africa.

In short, Africa needs China as a supplier, financier and distributor. China’s inclination to ensure its national interest through its economic relations in Africa and its institutions is very helpful to African needs. The most important question is whether Africa is prepared to take advantage of this partnership and enter into competition between East and West. China’s interaction with Africa reflects the nature of host countries and governments. Chinese partnerships are rapidly adapting to their partner systems; they deal transparently with regimes as long as the latter deals transparently, but if there is corruption in the systems, they deal in a corrupt manner accordingly. Chinese companies and others are exploiting administrative and financial corruption in their favor, so Africans are taking the lion’s share of responsibility from this weakness.

Africa needs easy loans from China, fast services and cheap goods. Africa also provides the Republic of China with relatively untapped markets, huge natural resources and energy. China and Africa need each other through mutual support in world diplomacy, including reform of the United Nations and the UN Security Council. The Republic of China supports the efforts of the African Union at the international level through the BRIX Group of States, and is supported by fifty-four member states of the African Union. China’s partnership is increasing as Africans replace business aid. Many development partners consider that North African countries are not involved in the current unrest in sub-Saharan Africa. The development performance of these countries is measured by the indicators of growth index, economic growth and business index. The foreign policies of major world powers, such as the US and China, have dictated the policy of improving the standard of living through distribution, not necessarily through democracy. Yet Africa needs democracy, and China should encourage its partners in Africa to exercise power to stop democratic legitimacy. From building a foundation for a lasting partnership. China’s position in the world arena depends on the integrity of its dealings and the credibility of its governments. China will face increasing demands to strengthen its position on human rights and democracy with its partners. China has been ignoring such pressure only if it fears its interests in Africa. Future generations and newly elected governments in countries such as Zambia and Senegal may charge the Republic of China not for economic achievements but also for politics.

Political Studies Unit *